military culprits. Montesinos became a liability for Fujimori, especially after revelations that he had
accepted bribes ($50,000 per month) in exchange for tip offs about counter narcotics activities.
Since 1995, civil military relations have been rocky, but the threat of a military coup has been
neutralized. In December 1996, an MRTA detachment occupied the Japanese ambassador's residence
and took a number of prominent politicians, diplomats, and businessmen as hostages.  A well planned
and executed commando raid stormed the compound and liberated the hostages.  The team that executed
the mission came from the Navy and Air Force, not the Army, and Fujimori gave primary credit to
Montesinos for orchestrating the raid, depriving the Army of all credit. From 1996 1999, tension
between Fujimori and General Nicolas de Bari Hermosa, military Chief of Staff, heightened after
information was leaked to the media about a plan to silence a critic of the government. An Army
intelligence operative presumed responsible for the leak was interrogated and tortured, though she
escaped and denounced her treatment to the media. Baruch Ichver, the director of Channel 2, a television
station that ran stories revealing military abuses was stripped of his citizenship and ownership rights over
the channel. Reports of espionage and phone tapping by military and security services became
commonplace. In 1999, Fujimori finally replaced Hermosa with another loyalist officer.
Nevertheless, the military seems to have less institutional autonomy now than at any point over the last
several decades. Over the last six years, the military has appeared to function as a surrogate party for the
President. In 1994 1995, soldiers in rural areas distributed Fujimori campaign paraphernalia, food items
and services, organized presidential visits and campaign rallies, and passed out Fujimori campaign
literature. In the 2000 campaign, the military continued to play this role, reinforcing the message of
stability, and capitalizing on fears that terrorism would re emerge in Fujimori's absence.
In some areas, military relations with civilians are constructive. In highland provinces until recently
under states of emergency, for example, military commanders collaborated with the civilian population
to form and arm civil defense committees (
rondas campesinas
) in an effort to combat 
Sendero
Luminoso
. This strategy succeeded not only in diminishing violence, but also in creating relationships
with peasant communities that helped isolate the guerrillas. Critics of the 
ronda
 strategy emphasize
abuses of human rights
and
point out that military authorities in certain regions have been used to spread
propaganda for presidential campaigns. The Team did not travel to the areas in question to investigate
this claim, but opportunities for such abuses still exist, albeit on a reduced level.
34
4.
Patronage and Public Sector Corruption
State reform has sealed off many opportunities for the patronage that took place under previous
governments. Yet corruption continues to be a problem in Peru.  There is no shortage of laws intended
to fight this problem, with an overabundance of basic legislation purporting to investigate and prosecute
abuses of public office. However, the problem appears to be one of enforcing laws already on the
books.
In 1991, the Fujimori government approved the Penal Code, laws intended to prevent the use of public
office for private gain. What has yet to occur is the promulgation of the Code of Penal Procedure, which
transfers responsibility for investigation into crimes committed by public officials to the Public
                                                    
34
 While the Team was carrying out its investigation, President Fujimori announced the suspension of all states of
emergency decrees throughout the country, in part to rectify certain wrongs identified by international observers.
H:\INCOMING\July24\MSI Submission\Fn Email.doc
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